That V.I. Lenin left behind volumes of
his own writings is helpful in determining his justifications for his historic
actions. For example, two of his essays, "The Tasks of the Proletariat in
the Present Revolution," from April 1917, also known as the "April
Theses,"[1]
and "Theses on the Constituent Assembly"[2] from six
months later, help to determine Lenin's thinking in the period from the March
Revolution that removed the tsar and established a parliamentary republic and
the Bolshevik seizure of power in November. By examining the two texts in
juxtaposition with each other, it is possible to determine the reasons for
Lenin's decision to embrace extremism by eliminating parliamentary democracy
during the first few months of Soviet rule, including the continuing war, the
difficulties inherent in minority status, and his observations of the Marxist
theory of revolution unfolding at an expedited pace.
In the "April Thesis," Lenin
writes, "I attacked the Provisional Government for not having appointed an
early date or any date at all, for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly,
and for confining itself to promises."[3]
He goes on to remind his reader that he merely argued that such an assembly
would not work in the absence of workers' councils (i.e., Soviets) to represent
workers and soldiers. In offering his argument for such a position, the first
topic he broaches is the ongoing war against the Central Powers. In Lenin's
view, the continuation of the "predatory imperialist war"[4] was being
undertaken the provisional government. Because the parties that would
participate in elections to the Constituent Assembly would be bourgeois
parties, Lenin emphasizes the need to counterbalance the assembly with Soviets
that represent the proletariat.
However, once the Bolsheviks have seized
power and he promulgates his "Theses on the Constituent Assembly,"
Lenin is satisfied to nullify the results of the election to the Constituent
Assembly, arguing, "Only now are the broad sections of the people actually
receiving a chance fully and openly to observe the policy of revolutionary
struggle for peace and to study its results."[5] Because the
"mass of the people" did not realize this possibility at the time of
the elections, he argues, the Bolsheviks must be given the opportunity to
express the will of the people. In explaining Lenin's point of view, Orlando
Figes seizes on Point 13 of the "Theses on the Constituent Assembly,"
which argues that the October Revolution had "shifted mass opinion to the
left since the election."[6]
Ironically, the Bolsheviks would resort to using force to impose this
"mass opinion."
Lenin also argued at first for the
combined presence of a Constituent Assembly and People's Soviets in recognition
that the Bolsheviks were a minority party, even within the Soviets themselves.
In the "April Theses," he writes, "in most of the Soviets of
Workers’ Deputies our Party is in a minority, so far a small minority, as
against a bloc of all the petty-bourgeois opportunist elements."[7] He concedes
that, as a minority, the Bolsheviks must focus their efforts on propagandizing
the working class "so that the people may overcome their mistakes by experience."[8] All the
while, Lenin makes it clear in the "April Theses" that the long-term
goal would not be a parliamentary democracy but a Soviet republic.
Once he had seized power, however, Lenin
was happy to impose minority rule. Robert Mayer writes that, at least in part,
Lenin was willing to take revolutionary action only once the Bolsheviks had
gained majority control over the soviets in Petrograd and Moscow. He
"claimed a majority mandate within the proletariat for the October
Revolution, and he justified
Bolshevik rule thereafter on [that] basis."[9] To Mayer,
this decision amounts to a rejection of previous denunciations by Lenin of
Blanquism,[10]
at least on a national level, as well as the expression of his willingness to
impose a Tocqueville-esque "tyranny of the majority" on the Soviets
themselves.[11]
Finally, in accepting the calls for a
Constituent Assembly in the "April Theses," Lenin seems to embrace
the orthodox Marxist notion of a two-stage revolution, according to which a
bourgeois-democratic revolution must precede the proletarian revolution that
seizes power for the working classes. In the "Theses on the Constituent
Assembly," however, Lenin argues that the bourgeois-democratic state must
be smashed a mere six months into its life cycle and mere weeks after elections
to its parliament. To many readers, this shift represents the greatest
transformation in Lenin's thinking, if not outright hypocrisy.
Jonathan Frankel has argued, however,
that assuming a radical shift in theory or hypocrisy on Lenin's part is too
hasty. Rather, at least from Lenin's other writings, Frankel summarizes Lenin's
view as one that "the revolution had gone much farther than anticipated
and control of the state had already passed from the feudal to the bourgeois
class (in the form of the Provisional Government."[12] In short,
even before elections to the Constituent Assembly had been called, Russia had
already achieved bourgeois-democratic status. Once "the actual power of
the Soviets was so immense that they in fact constituted (albeit in passive
form) the long-awaited dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry,"[13] presumably
on the basis of Bolshevik majorities, at least in Petrograd and Moscow, it
would be a betrayal of the revolution to revert to a parliamentary state.
In conclusion, reading the two sets of
theses by Lenin provides an opportunity for insight into his decisions during
1917. The continuation of World War I by the Provisional Government was a major
reason for Lenin’s rejection thereof, and he feared the Bolsheviks had not been
able to mobilize public opinion against the war before the elections to the
Constituent Assembly occurred. Moreover, the Bolsheviks remains a minority
party throughout 1917, despite gains in the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets.
Although Lenin’s decision to dismiss the Constituent Assembly and establish a
Soviet dictatorship can appear hypocritical, it was also the pace of events
over the course of the year that large affected his change in tactics.
Bibliography
Figes,
Orlando. Revolutionary Russia. Accessed April 15, 2016. http://www. revolutionaryrussia.com/
Frankel,
Jonathan. “Lenin’s Doctrinal Revolution of April 1917.” Contemporary History,
4,
no. 2 (1969): 117-142.
Lenin,
V.I. "The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution."
Translated by Isaacs
Bernard.
Accessed April 15, 2016. https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/
1917/apr/04.htm
1917/apr/04.htm
Lenin,
V.I. "Theses on the Constituent Assembly." Translated by Yuri
Sdobnikov and
George Hanna.
Accessed April 15, 2016. https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/
works/1917/dec/11a.htm
works/1917/dec/11a.htm
Mayer,
Robert. “Lenin, the Proletariat, and the Legitimation of Dictatorship.” Journal
of
Political
Ideologies,
2, no. 1 (1997): 99-115. doi: 10.1080/13569319708420752.
[1] V.I. Lenin,
"The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution," trans.
Isaacs Bernard, accessed April 15, 2016,
https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/apr/04.htm
[2] V.I. Lenin,
"Theses on the Constituent Assembly," trans. Yuri Sdobnikov and
George Hanna, accessed April 15, 2016, https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/dec/11a.htm
[3] Lenin, “Tasks,”
point 10, para. 9.
[4] Ibid, point 1,
para. 1.
[5] Lenin, “Theses,”
point 15, para. 2.
[6] Orlando Figes,
“Section 6: The October Revolution 1917,” Revolutionary Russia, accessed
April 15, 2016, http://www.revolutionaryrussia.com/section6_TheOctoberRevolution1917/TheConstituentAssembly.php,
para. 5.
[7] Lenin, “Tasks,”
point 4, para. 1.
[8] Ibid, point 4,
para. 3.
[9] Robert Mayer,
“Lenin, the Proletariat, and the Legitimation of Dictatorship,” Journal of
Political Ideologies, 2, no. 1 (1997): para. 18, doi: 10.1080/13569319708420752
[10] Ibid, para. 17.
[11] Ibid, para. 15.
[12] Jonathan
Frankel, “Lenin’s Doctrinal Revolution of April 1917,” Contemporary History,
4, no. 2 (1969): 127.
[13] Ibid.
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